To what extent was the Crimean War (1853 †1856) ‘disastrously planned and poorly executed’ (Economist 2014)

universeThis essay examines the claim that the Crimean struggle (1853-1856) was disastrously mean and despicablely penalize ( economist 2014). The beginning section looks at the circumstances expose of which the state of fightf are arose, providing several(prenominal)(prenominal) background to the conflict while suggesting that from its inception the state of contend was characterised by errors in judgment and miscommunication. The next section proceeds to discuss the m any nautical bl on a lower floors that took place during the war, looking both at the Crimea as intumesce as the scant(p) comm besides discussed faraway East. This is followed by a consideration of the grime operations of the conflict, paying particular attention to actions of the British. The analysis then turns to the provisioning of the confederative and Russian forces, as well as the theatrical role of services such(prenominal) as medical exam checkup care. Finally, the last section briefly con siders the consequences of the war for the parties involved. It is conclude that the Crimean state of war was characterised by an unusually bounteous come in of errors in monetary value of preparation and accomplishment.Poor cookery and organisation can arguably be seen from the eruptbreak of war. The desire to access the Mediterranean had been a long-standing ambition of Russias by the mid-19th century (Economist 2014 liter 2011). Thus the weakness of the Ottoman empire in the period was seized upon, partially concealed, of course, by excuses active the persecution of Christian minorities in the Ottoman Empire. The backdrop to this was a broader dispute about who should rule the holy Land Orthodox Russia or Catholic France (Clough 1964). The Turkish-Russian dispute included several lacklustre, abortive attempts at peaceful resolution through diplomacy, after which the Russian Army invaded Moldavia and Wallachia (parts of modern-day Moldova and Romania) on 2 July 1853, s inking the Turkish go along at Sinope in 1853. This was followed by a Turkish declaration of war on 5 October of the aforementioned(prenominal) year (Economist 2014).However, the actions of Russia were to an issue the give of a miscalculation. In spite of a caustic public chemical reaction in Britain and France, the all(prenominal)ied response to the invasion was a cautious one to arrest with, characterised by dithering, uncertain diplomacy (Economist 2014). This misled Russia into believing that it could continue its aggression against the Ottomans without consequences, and Britain and France minutely state war in march 1854 (Economist 2014). The conflict then escalated when the dry land of Sardinia-Piedmont joined the war against Russia the following year. A degree of light coordination and misapprehension can in that arrangementfore be seen from the outset. For Britain and France, this took the form of confused, uncertain policy for Russia, it was a misinterpretatio n of the likelihood that other parties would join the war ( cubic decimeter 2011). Clough (1964 917) makes this point succinctly, logical argument that war arose from Napoleons search for prestige Nicholass demand for control over the Straits his naive miscalculation of the probable reaction of the European powers the failure of those powers to make their position and the pressure of public printing in Britain and Constantinople at crucial moments. For Clough (1964), in that locationfore, the war was a disorganised, seriously planned shambles from the very(prenominal) beginning. It was the product not only of confusion solely also of the hubris and inflated ambitions of the leaders of Europe at the time.It seems probable that the war arose out of somewhat chaotic circumstances and was then tainted from the start, only if the question of whether this pattern continued remains. The actual combat side of the war appears to possess been shambolic in many cases. This is suggeste d by the first events of the war. disdain being unyielding in the looking at of Russian aggression, it seems that washout was not active for the eventuality of conflict (Economist 2014 Bloy 2002a). When the Russian fleet arrived off Sinope on the southern coast of the Black Sea, the Turkish Admiral was unprepared for battle. His squadron was relatively weak, consisting of only 6 frigates, 3 corvettes, and two small paddle steamers. Additionally, his largest guns were only 24-pounders, and his force were poorly trained and unready for war. By comparison, the Russian fleet under Admiral Nakhimov was vastly superior in numbers, surface and gunpower (Brown 1989). The full extent of the imbalance is revealed by the fact that with the exception of one ship the complete Turkish fleet, including 3000 sailors, was destroyed, with the Russians suffering negligible losses. The Turks were not prepared to defend their territories, and credibly did not have the ability to do so in any cas e (Brown 1989).The dramatic outcome of this conflict was a great shock. a couple of(prenominal) in the navy or elsewhere had anticipated the devastating force p locate of shells on wooden ships, and as Brown (1989) notes, Naval and public touch showed surprise, shock and horror at the casualties. Therefore, even at this early there is evidence of poor preparation and a lack of understanding of how the war would be conducted on the part of the Turks if not the Russians. The same cannot quite be said of the British and french. While many critics expressed shock at the event of Sinope, preparations had been make. The British had tested shells against the Prince George and the French had done likewise at Garve. moreover, in response to the success of the Russian navy the French began the crook of heavily fortified armament batteries for coastal attack. That this was prior to the declaration of war suggests a degree of ocean preparation on the part of the assort (Lambert 2011).Ne vertheless, there were serious shortcomings with the British fleet in particular that suggest both poor execution and planning. In the first place, it was wrongly believed that the Russian Baltic fleet faculty invade the United Kingdom, which turned out to be unjustified and stalled operations for over a year (Brown 1989). This was a strategical error and what it suggests about execution and planning can be debated. Additionally, when the British fleet went into the conflict it had problems with manpower. For example, admirals were promoted by seniority, which meant they tended to be older than was desirable. More importantly, many vessels were undermanned due to the poor pay and conditions on ships. When Britain declared war these problems had yet to be resolved, which indicates a distinct lack of facility (Brown 1989).In recent decades it has been argued by historians that Britain was guilty of exceedingly poor ocean strategy, which would amount to a poor execution of the wa r on their part. Lambert (1990, cited in Fuller 2014) is among the about illustrious to put forward this thesis. He argued that the real war could have been decidedin the Baltic, and won by the full faculty of a modern maritime power against a continental one (Fuller 2014 2). When the strength of the British navy at this time, in terms of size and technology, is considered, this argument seems like a strong one. The British navy was notably ahead of its counterparts insofar as it included large numbers mortar vessels and ironclad batteries. Lambert believed that Cronstadt would definitely have fall to the heavily armed British flotilla, and that the Russian realisation of this fact what pressure peace in the end (Fuller 2014). Perhaps, then, the failure of the British to fully apply its navys potential in the Baltic amounts to a strategic blunder.It is doubtful, however, that this part of the war was as poorly executed as Lambert argued. As Fuller (2014) notes, unilateral actio n (the so-called Great equipping) against Cronstadt might have alienated the French, who were on poor terms with the British. It might also have driven up the cost of the war to unsustainable levels, stretchiness the economy to breaking point. This more than is suggested by a review in 1856 of the Great Armament, which noted that Britain could not provide any confirmation of unabated strength and unexhausted resources (Fuller 2014 38). This warning was echoed by Sir George Cornewall Lewis, Chancellor of the treasury in Palmerstons ministry, who expressed concern that our financial prospect is very bad, a declining revenue, rising prices, a large loan wanted which get out be got on bad terms, and more money lent to Sardinia and Turkey (Fuller 2014 38). The so-called missed opportunities in the Baltic, therefore, do not suggest poor planning and execution. Nevertheless, one might make the case that the poor financial prospect of Britain by the end of the war suggests a lack of preparation. other line of argument, directed once again at the British, focuses on naval operations in the Pacific. Stephan (1969 257), for example, describes the tragi-comic nature of tactical operations in the Far East. He notes that despite the overwhelming superiority of the Allied naval forces in around china and the Pacific, al intimately no headway was made in that sphere. Indeed, the Allies had twenty five ships of war, including six steamers, while the Russians could cod only six which were later reduced to four (Stephan 1969). Poor execution and planning in this case manifested in two ways. In the first place, there was little coordination between the China and Pacific squadrons and the British and French fleets in the area. As Stephan (1969 258) notes, at the outbreak of warthe British Commander-in-Chief of the China Squadron, Rear Admiral Sir James Stirling, was sailing from Singapore to Hong Kong. The rest of the squadron lay scattered among the Chinese treaty ports such as Shanghai, Amoy, and Canton. This arose from the folly of dividing control of the fleet, as well as a lack of information about the location of both friend and foe. Indeed, Stephan (1969) suggests that Stirling (who rather tellingly was only constitute Commander-in-Chief on 4 March), probably did not even know the location of Russian warships.There is relatively fade evidence that naval operations were fairly shambolic on the part of both the British and the French. The same is true of events on land. The Battle of the River Alma on 20 Sept 1984, for example, apothegm the British forces charge headlong against a fortified Russian position, the result of a lack of information and lack of reconnoitre which meant that a number of easier routes went undiscovered. The British forces only triumphed because such an imprudent move was considered too marvelous to prepare against. The aftermath, moreover, saw poor execution insofar as the gymnastic horse did not pursue the routing Russians, allowing them instead to fortify Sevastopol and thus draw out the war. This was further heighten when disagreements between the French and British commanders delayed the touch to Sevastopol by several weeks, after which the city was heavily defended. The most famous of the blunders was, of course, the Charge of Light Brigade during the Battle of Balaclava on 25 Oct 1854, in which a brigade of 670 cavalry under Lord Cardigan attacked an extremely heavily fortified Russian redoubt. The now famous calamity during which a lot of the Light Brigade was destroyed was the product of a simple miscommunication however reflects deeper issues with the British forces related to internal divisions, inexperience, and the unwillingness to question absurd orders. All of this translates to poor execution in warfare.In examining the conduct and organisation of the war more generally it is obvious that there was little sophisticated coordination or planning (Sweetman 2001). At every leve l of the Allied war elbow grease this was true. Within the British army, for example, the artillery and engineers were commanded by the Master-General of Ordinance while the groundwork and cavalry were commanded by the Commander-in-Chief at the Horse Guards, Lord Raglan, which made incorporated planning difficult (Sweetman 2001). Then, of course, the Royal Navy was a separate single out of the military, answerable only to the Lords of the Admiralty. This chaotic set-up hindered the Allied offensive at Sevastopol, as Raglan could not coordinate the British forces on land and sea without travail time-consuming and inefficient communications (Sweetman 2001). This is not to mention the fact that there was no overall commander with the authority to coordinate the various home(a) armies of each Allied nation, as had been the case during the Peninsula struggle with the Duke of Wellington. Thus, the entire bedraggled structure palpably lacked coordination, and it is important to appr eciate the constraints that this put on brief up strategic plans or executing tactical operations (Sweetman 2001 16).The Russians were less culpable in these terms, although there were many shortcomings in their preparations. Urry (1989) has noted how the Russian land forces suffered severely from poor provisioning, something which became particularly damaging in the summer of 1854. By September, there were 50, 000 Russian troops in the Crimean Peninsula, hardly the eatable Commission was comparatively small and badly managed. Place this in the geographic context and it appears even more serious. Most of the Crimea was barren and sparsely populated, which meant that the troops and animals in the region were more reliant on their add reach than usual (Urry 1989). The infrastructure necessary to support the Russian war attack was also inadequate in many cases. Roads were of poor quality and transport networks were badly run and unreliable, which contributed to the problem of su pplying the troops. Even those supplies that did arrive had often spoiled because of the excessive time it took to transport skillfuls. This situation was amend somewhat when the new Russian Commander, General Prince M. D. Gorchakov, saw the reorganisation of the supply form, but much of the damage was already done (Urry 1989 Curtiss 1979). This is a clear example of poor preparation on the part of the Russians.Poor planning in terms of supplies was also a study problem for the Allies. The most striking example of this occurred on 14 November 1854 when a Great violent storm sunk 30 ships in Balaclava harbour and destroyed ?3 million worth of supplies, coinciding with the onset of the harsh winter. The Allies, however, had only prepared for a summer campaign, and the results were catastrophic. As Bloy (2002a) put it The Allieshad to make do with summer equipment tents, light clothes and so on. It took months to re-supply them. Men died of exposure, disease, starvation. The situa tion was compounded by poor organisation and management in the aftermath, as well as the natural barriers of substandard roads and communication networks (Bloy 2002a).As poor as the organisational side of the war was for all sides, the Russian war driving was comparatively impressive. This conclusion is supported by the fact that the Russian were direct under very difficult conditions. Firstly, the defence of Sevastopol was an inherently problematic affair. The size of Russia required a wide distribution of troops, especially in the Baltic to prevent the Allies landing there (Urry 1989). Then there was incertitude regarding the neutrality of Prussia, and especially Austria, which meant that troops had to be stationed along Russias extended western border. The barren nature of much of the Russian territory, moreover, especially in the south, was an unfortunate barrier that hampered supply, communication, and the movement of troops (Urry 1989). As Urry (1989) argues, these factors contributed to difficulties experienced by the Russians, and in many cases even good preparation and execution would have made it difficult to overcome such factors. On the other, one might argue that the decision to start a war in the face of so many natural barriers should be regarded as a major strategic failure (Jones 2013 Bloy 2002a).One area in which all parties lacked planning was medical provision. The low quality of care afforded to wounded soldiers in British hospitals has become notorious primarily because of Florence Nightingales work as Scutari. The quality of French medical care was supposedly slightly better, as is attested by William Howard Russell Here the French are greatly our superiors. Their medical arrangements are extremely good and they have the help of the Sisters of Charity. These give women are excellent nurses. Nevertheless, even this relied on volunteers (Curtiss 1966 98). The Russians likewise had to rely on volunteers, who operated under the aegis of the Exaltation of the Cross (Curtiss 1966). Testimony from the brace medical volunteers in the Russians forces reveals the shoddy set-up in place, especially with regard to the convoy system designed to transport wounded soldiers. This was supposedly poorly supplied with blankets, had some good drivers, and little in the way of food and water (Curtiss 1979 Curtiss 1966).The Crimean War was reason peacefully at the Treaty of Paris on 30 March 1856 after the fall of Sevastopol, probably to the advantage of all parties. The conflict itself was of little obvious benefit to any nation, with the possible exception of Turkey, which had captured possessions restored to it by Russia (Bloy 2002a Seton-Watson 1988). In turn, regions captured by the Allies, such as Sevastopol and Balaclava, were restored. Territories were thus redistributed to the participants in much the same way as before the war had begun. One of the most important effects of war was that it prohibited both Turkey and Russ ia from establishing a naval or military arsenal on the Black Sea, which faded the Russian position. However, this turned out to be unenforceable and a few decades later Russia had violated the agreement (Gorizontov 2012 Seton-Watson 1988). The conflict did have important long implication insofar as it permanently weakened the position of tzarist Russia, and saw the ascendency of the France as the preeminent power in Europe. It therefore saw the end of the Concert of Europe, the balance of power that had existed since the Congress of capital of Austria in 1815 (Bloy 2002a, 2002b).In conclusion, the Crimean War was both poorly planned and poorly executed. This essay has outlined the numerous strategic, tactical, and logistical failures perpetrated by all sides, but especially by the Allies and Britain in particular. However, as important as these moments were in defining the nature of the conflict and solidifying its reputation, it was problematic from the outset. As Clough (1964 917) puts it it was not the result of a calculated plan, nor even of hasty last-minute decisions made under stress. It was the consequence of more than two years of fatal blundering in slow-motion by inept statesmen who had months to reflect upon the actions they took. Ultimately, while there are many mitigating factors, moments of triumph, and cases of heroism and coordination especially in the medical sphere this is a reputation well-deserved.ReferencesBloy, M. (2002a) The Crimean War Britain in Blunderland, The Victorian Web http//www.victorianweb.org/ archives/crimea/blunder2.html Retrieved 10/06/2014Bloy, M. 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